A Ukrainian woman comes to extend temporary protection status in Germany — and an official asks for a certificate proving she is not subject to mobilization. In neighboring France, no one asks for such a document. Formally, the same EU Council decision applies. In practice — 27 states interpret it in their own way, and this is exactly what Ukrainian women have encountered, which the Foreign Ministry has already written letters to the European Commission about.
The scale of the problem is not abstract. Overall, Europe has 4.3 million Ukrainians with temporary protection status. The largest numbers are in Germany (1.2 million) and Poland (960,000). For each of them, this status is not just a piece of paper, but literally the right to work, rent housing, receive medical care and social benefits in the country of residence.
What actually changed on August 5
On July 15, 2026, EU member states agreed to extend the temporary protection regime for Ukrainian refugees until March 4, 2028. But alongside the extension came a clarification that caused the confusion: one of the most discussed changes was the restriction on access to a simplified procedure for Ukrainian men of draft age who cannot confirm they have fulfilled their military obligations to Ukraine.
In Brussels, they insist that the wording is not about gender. In Brussels, they also reject accusations of gender discrimination. According to officials, the restriction is formulated not regarding men, but regarding persons who have military obligations under Ukrainian law. This means: formally, it could also apply to female service members or volunteers who have taken on military obligations to Ukraine. This is why, at the briefing, European Commission spokesman Marcus Lammert insisted that the Council decision "does not distinguish between men and women in the application" — it is about the fact of military service, not the applicant's gender.
Where exactly the logic breaks down
The problem is that Brussels has left the assessment of specific cases to the discretion of national authorities. Each state decides for itself what documents to require and how to verify "objective criteria." In Poland, for example, the effect of the new decision turned out to be minimal — they already had their own special law regarding refugees. But even in this relatively quiet jurisdiction, during the first five months of 2026, Ukrainians submitted 992 applications for temporary protection in Poland, 550 of which were from men of draft age — that is, we are not talking about isolated cases, but about a monthly flow of people whose status and right to work depend on how a specific official in a specific country reads an unclear instruction.
When 27 administrations receive one decision without detailed explanation, misinterpretation is inevitable — and this is exactly what is happening now with women who are de facto being asked to prove what the rules do not directly require.
What Brussels promises
I meant a questions and answers (Q&A) document that was provided to member states, and in addition to it, we will also publish new and updated Operational Guidelines in the coming weeks. We have a questions and answers document, and we are working on more detailed recommendations to continue supporting member states in interpreting these rules
So the first document for national authorities already exists — it's just obviously insufficient if the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry continues to write official letters demanding updated recommendations. The second, more detailed one, is promised "in the coming weeks" — a formulation that in EU bureaucracy rarely means just a few days.
Why this is an economic issue, not just a legal one
For an employer in Germany or Poland, the status of a Ukrainian employee is the basis for legal hiring. For a bank — the basis for issuing a loan or opening an account. For a landlord — a guarantee of a solvent tenant. Each day of uncertainty about what documents are "correct" is a real risk of refusal to extend status, and therefore, to work, for people who are already integrated into the economy of the host country.
The question is simple: will the detailed Operational Guidelines be released before the autumn peak of status extensions, or will Brussels issue the document after national offices have already made mistakes in thousands of individual cases?
